More parties weighing in for the Malay votes

The recent emergence of Parti Kegemilangan Bangsa Malaysia in Johor is not an issue that Umno hasn't handled before — it has even dealt with its own founder's splinter party. But Shannon Teoh senses that the situation today is unlike those that it has faced before.

NST (25/5/08): When a group of ex-Umno veterans formed Parti Kegemilangan Bangsa Malaysia (KBM) as a "back-up" to Umno last week, it was probably not the sort of safety net Umno was looking for. The situation was compounded on Monday when Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad exited Umno and called for others to follow suit.

In an unprecedented situation, Umno is now having to deal with four splinter groups - Dr Mahathir's, KBM, Parti Keadilan Rakyat and Pas.

In the battle for the Malay electorate, Umno is now facing a multi-pronged attack, being accused of not championing Malay rights by Dr Mahathir and KBM while simultaneously fending off opinions that it has built up an ethnocracy founded on Malay dominance.

Considered Australia's foremost observer of Malaysian sociopolitics, sociology professor Clive Kessler believes that these recent developments are exerting an altogether new kind of pressure on Umno.

"These are ginger groups, so-called because they are spicy and are meant to lobby on particular issues. Whereas some splinter parties or even internal factions like Pemuda or Puteri might pressure from a position of youthful idealism, KBM and Dr Mahathir reprimand with the wisdom of the old patron," he said.

It's been more straightforward for Umno in the past. When founder Datuk Onn Jaafar formed the Independence of Malaya Party and then Parti Negara to push for multi-ethnicity, he was easily disposed of by Umno via its cohorts in the Alliance who had already positioned themselves as representatives of the different races.

The Team A-Team B schism in Umno resulted in Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah establishing Semangat 46 in 1989 to try and wrest power from Umno.

However, Semangat 46 found itself squeezed out by Pas loyalists in their shared home of Kelantan despite the loose coalition they had formed.

After just two elections, Umno was only too happy to negotiate the first voluntary dissolution of a political party through the process of law and allowed Semangat members back into the fold.

In between these two incidences, there were other splinters such as the National Association of Perak, Perak Malay League and former cabinet member Aziz Ishak's National Convention Party that never came to much.

Wong Chin Huat, a journalism lecturer who is pursuing a PhD on Malaysia's electoral system and party politics, explains that it is difficult for any Malay party, let alone an Umno splinter, to survive because of the constant desire for Malay unity.

"Because of the perceived threat to their dominance by other races, Malays tend to suppress the number of parties. Pas succeeded in the Malay heartland of Kelantan and Terengganu because there weren't many non-Malays and the people felt secure enough to allow a second party to operate."

Pas itself splintered from Umno and was the first mover after establishing itself where Parti Negara failed. Its "captive market" of Islamic support in the east coast was in contrast to Parti Negara's scattered support which saw the latter fall victim to the first-past-the-post electoral system.

Today, Pas is joined by PKR as the only Umno splinters and indeed, Malay-dominant parties that have survived in the long-term. After March 8, PKR can claim to have surpassed the psychological three-election watershed and has come out of it as the largest opposition party in Parliament.

Kessler believes that these splinters have survived where others have not because they were not just based on personalities but because they cleaved out a constituency.

"Pas brought out latent Islamic concerns and made it overt. Same with (Datuk Seri) Anwar (Ibrahim), it's not just personal to him, his agenda connected with the generation who grew up under the NEP (New Economic Policy). The parties were not just grabbing a power bloc from Umno; they were new groups being conscious of themselves."

However, if Wong's historical observation is to be taken into consideration, then more changes are afoot. Putting Pas aside and allocating it the timeless Islamic east coast support, if Malays are to back just one party to represent them, then either Umno or PKR must fall.

Johan Saravanamuttu Abdullah, visiting research fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, noted that Umno's capability to see off challenges by splinters has been weakened by blows to its hitherto rock-solid institutional strength.

"At this particular political moment, factionalism has become endemic and it seems to be a party in its 'September' years ever since the reformasi movement took a chunk out of Umno. Over the years, Pas has also slowly chipped away and eroded its structural strength."

And while this is a question of which Malay party will survive, Wong believes that the answer lies with the non-Malays.

"If in competing to be the prime Malay party Umno plays along the Malay nationalist line, non-Malays will be alienated and throw in their lot with PKR."

Should the tide swing towards Pakatan Rakyat, Malays who stand by Umno might find themselves at the losing end. While PKR is not highly institutionalised, its leadership has shown that it will not abandon Malay values.

Johan points out that PKR de facto leader Anwar and his wife, Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, are regarded as deeply religious.

Kessler, however, thinks that it would be grossly premature to be writing obituaries for Umno.

While it cannot assume an automatic first claim to Malay votes, it can still make strategic moves to ride on the wave of new concerns by the electorate.

“A party has to choose and it can’t be all things to all people. Umno can’t be in favour and against Ketuanan Melayu at the same time.

“So, if Umno were to give up its diehard Malay vote and go after the progressive Muslims, it could win back votes that went to PKR and also supply its BN (Barisan Nasional) allies with the non-Malay vote.”

He added: “Umno has to be prepared to let someone else represent the hardcore Malay vote and instead build a coalition that aligns with social forces and politics of the future, not backward trends.”

Johan feels Umno needs to address certain clear and present issues quickly: “Checking Dr Mahathir is important. Go to Kedah and maintain your structures.

“The people have also been expecting you to deliver on the promise of reform so the cleaning up of the judiciary et al is necessary to show that you are a party capable of providing the change required.”

No doubt though, that these recommendations imply efforts at making PKR unnecessary.

However, 57 years ago, when Onn first mooted a consociationist multi-ethnic party led by Malays, it was shot down emphatically by Umno.

“It’s been a very long learning curve,” Wong concluded.

“The problem then was that leftism wasn’t in the mainstream perhaps because the communists didn’t disarm and contest democratically. Maybe society has become settled today and nobody wants to be an all-out liberal or have a pure Malay ethnocracy.

“So it’s come to some sort of consensus, and you can’t challenge the people’s decision on this and, in a sense, you have to congratulate Umno for achieving this.”

Opinion: What crossovers? Has it been just a bluff?

Independent Pasir Mas MP Datuk Ibrahim Ali (left) says he has asked the BN MPs who are said to be crossing over from BN to Pakatan Rakyat, and they denied they would leave BN, while Che Johan Che Pa, the Pasir Mas Umno vice-chief, likened the 'threats' by Sabah and Sarawak politicians to 'Umno's future being decided in the longhouses'.

From the lively debates in the chamber to political wheeling and dealing outside, Parliament has it all and is the place to be, writes Zubaidah Abu Bakar.

NST (16/5/08): Parliament is a hive of activity these days, turning at times into a stage for political gambits and power-brokering intrigues.

Statements made by several members of parliament, especially from Sabah, who have repeatedly said they are unhappy with the "raw deal" they got after playing a crucial role in Barisan Nasional's victory and insinuations that they might abandon the ruling coalition if things are not fixed fast have caused anxiety - not only to BN but also Malaysians at large, who have been following the proceedings through the various media.

While the widely publicised claims of crossovers during the debate on the royal address have taken centre stage during the sittings and coffee breaks, there are equally interesting but less noticeable events taking place.

The rumours of crossovers ended in an anti-climax for "observers" who travelled hundreds of kilometres just to "witness the historic event" on Wednesday. Some had arrived as early as 9am but gave up hope when nothing happened after 3.30pm.

"It looks like the failure to announce the crossovers confirmed a theory that it was all Anwar's bluff, at least for now," says one of the observers, the secretary of a party division from Kedah, referring to Parti Keadilan Rakyat adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's claim that many BN MPs were ready to defect.

But an aide of a top opposition leader of another northern state has this to say: "It will take place, but not so soon as widely speculated. Wait till after August when Umno is too absorbed with its divisional elections; at that time, Umno leaders' concern will be to ensure they are nominated for posts they want to contest."

Independent Pasir Mas MP Datuk Ibrahim Ali does not believe crossovers will happen.

"I have asked the BN MPs who are said to be crossing over from BN to Pakatan Rakyat, and they all denied they will leave BN," he says.

Concurs a blogger who has stationed himself in Parliament since the session started: "Anwar is playing mind-games. He does not have the numbers. It is all about PKR's agenda to rule the country and make Anwar prime minister, that is why only PKR MPs are talking about crossovers, not those from Pas and DAP."

BN should take the threats from Sabah Umno seriously, however, as history has proven that political loyalty is not paramount in Sabah.

Furthermore, Sabah politicians don't have a deep sentimental attachment to Umno, which could end up a dead party in Sabah like Usno and Berjaya.

Che Johan Che Pa, the Pasir Mas Umno vice-chief, likened the "threats" by Sabah and Sarawak politicians to "Umno's future being decided in the longhouses".

"They have basis for their demands for recognition as they contributed a lot of BN's seats in Parliament. After all, 10 of BN's 14 component parties are from these two states," he says.

Another interesting character is PKR vice-president and Gombak MP Azmin Ali, who's been spotted almost daily in serious discussions with certain personalities, including those from Sabah and Sarawak, over coffee at the MPs' lounge.

"It's done on purpose to create anxiety over claims of crossovers," laments one minister's aide.

Azmin had echoed claims by Anwar that the defections would happen. In fact, he told Parliament that Pakatan Rakyat, comprising PKR, Parti Islam SeMalaysia (Pas) and DAP, with 82 of the 222 seats in the Dewan Rakyat, has the support of "friends" in the ruling BN to enable Pakatan Rakyat to form the federal government.

His assertion came amid concerns expressed by former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad on May 7 of just such a possibility.

The prospect was, however, rejected by former finance minister and Gua Musang MP Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, arguing that BN is not unstable as perceived.

Several defeated BN MPs and assemblymen, now "unemployed", were seen in Parliament the other day dressed in their best suits, perhaps looking for favours from those in power.

One of them waited outside the hall for hours to see a minister from Johor.

It was noted that they were lobbying to get back into the mainstream by being appointed chairmen or directors of government agencies and government-linked companies.

Defeated candidates from Kedah are courting those in authority as they are unhappy over talk that Umno deputy permanent chairman Datuk Badruddin Amiruldin is to be made chairman of the Federal Agricultural Marketing Authority, for the second time.

Badruddin, who lost the Jerai parliamentary seat in the polls, served as Fama chairman from March 1994 to October 2000.

A first-term MP is also working hard to make personal contacts with MPs from both the ruling and opposition fronts over a cup of coffee and friendly chats to rebuild his tattered image.

All this aside, ministers are being distracted from their real jobs during the current 16-day Dewan Rakyat meeting.

They will again be in Parliament for two weeks from June 23, and then again for 41 days from Aug 18.

Their focus is more on preparing to answer questions from the opposition.

Opposition takeover not easy

Daily Express (16/5/08): Over the last few weeks, there has been talk that the opposition front may be in a position to form the next Federal Government given the not-so-robust majority of Barisan Nasional (BN) in Parliament after the 12th general election.

Debates and conversations on this probability or improbability have been taking centre stage of late among politicians, political analysts, business people and even people at the grassroots.

The BN has 140 seats or 63.1 per cent of the total number of 222 seats. It garnered 4.082 million votes during the election or 50.6 per cent of the popular vote.

If Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) Adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is to be believed, then perhaps he may have made it sound rather relatively easy with his contention that all the opposition alliance needs is just 30 Members of Parliament from the BN to cross over.

They could then form the next government based on a simple majority. At present, the opposition has 82 seats including one independent MP.

Anwar has been reportedly saying that his party had managed to entice a number of MPs who would be willing to jump across.

However, based on a document being distributed by some unknown quarters in Parliament Thursday, the matter is not as easy as it seems.

The document, written by people who have a strong understanding of Constitutional Law, argues that the opposition front, in order to achieve what it aims to do, has to overcome various hurdles in the form of several laws in the Federal Constitution.

According to the document, the number one obstacle is provided under Article 43(5), which states that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has no power to dismiss the Prime Minister.

But if the Prime Minister ceases to command the confidence of the Dewan Rakyat, then the Prime Minister must exercise one of several choices.

One is to submit the resignation of his entire government as provided for in Article 43(4) or advise the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to dissolve the Dewan Rakyat and call a new election as per Article 43(4).

But the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has the discretion to refuse the advice to dissolve the Dewan Rakyat as stated in Article 40(2)(b). In the event of this, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has to appoint someone who, in His Majesty's judgement, is likely to command the confidence of the Lower House.

The note also reveals that if the Prime Minister were to lose in a snap vote of confidence but is able to re-group his supporters and rebuild a majority, he is eligible to be re-appointed again as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has some discretion on who is best able to command the confidence of the Lower House.

Another obstacle for the opposition is that no extra-parliamentary dismissal is possible unless the Dewan Rakyat dismisses the Prime Minister as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong has no power to remove the Prime Minister (Article 43(5)).

To reinforce its contention, the document cited the case of then Sarawak Chief Minister Stephen Kalong Ningkan versus the then Sarawak Yang Dipertua Negeri Tun Abang Haji Openg in Sarawak in 1966, which confirmed that unless there was a vote of no-confidence, a valid appointment cannot be revoked by the Yang Dipertua Negeri.

The document also pointed out that if the Dewan Rakyat were to be dissolved, then the previous Prime Minister would remain in office in a caretaker government capacity.

Although this was not laid down in the Constitution, it was a well established constitutional convention in the United Kingdom (UK), Malaysia and throughout the Commonwealth, it argued.

In addition, the document also argued that the inability of a party to secure a two-third majority did not hamper law-making or the passing of the Federal Government's budget.

"In the UK, governments come to power with less than 50 per cent of the popular vote and with a base majority in the elected House. This is not the first time that the Alliance-BN did not gain a two-third majority. In 1969, the Alliance failed to secure more than 50 per cent of the votes and failed to obtain a two-third majority. Tun Abdul Razak administered the country from Feb 20 1971 to the 1974 elections on a simple majority in the Dewan Rakyat," it stated.

At the same time, the document also pointed out that in the case of Nordin Salleh (1994), the Supreme Court held that the Kelantan anti-hopping law was a breach of freedom guaranteed by Article 10(1)©. Nordin, then the PAS state assemblyman for Sungei Pinang, joined Umno in 1992. The Kelantan State Government then enacted an anti-hopping law for politicians but the Supreme Court later ruled that it was unconstitutional.

The way to overcome this judicial decision is possible through a number of ways. One is to have a constitutional amendment to Article 10 (2)© to forbid party-hopping.

But in the present political context, BN, without a two-third majority, may not be possible to secure this amendment.

The other is to promulgate an Emergency Ordinance under Article 150(2B) to provide for anyone who has been expelled or who resigns from the party on whose ticket he or she was elected to the Dewan Rakyat to vacate his or her seat and return to the electorate in a by-election.

Alternatively, a law can be promulgated to ensure that the "hopper" is disqualified to contest for five years and this will be similar to Article 48(6), which deals with MPs who resign from the Dewan Rakyat.

The note further explains that an emergency ordinance is an executive piece of law-making outside of Parliament, which only requires the Yang di-Pertuan Agong's assent.

It can be enacted if two requirements are met - that there is an emergency in the country and that the two Houses of Parliament are not sitting concurrently.

This ordinance can be justified as a "collapse of civil government" is also a form of "emergency" as laid down by the Privy Council in the Stephen Kalong Ningkan versus the Government of Malaysia (1968) case.

Meanwhile, when told of the document, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak said it was within the constitutional provision that the prime minister could not be dismissed.

"Whatever happens has to be within the context of the constitution," he said at the Parliament lobby.

Asked whether the Emergency Ordinance could be used against MPs who crossed over to another political party, Najib said: "We do not have the anti-hopping law now. I am not sure whether we can do it under the Emergency Ordinance."

Dewan Rakyat: Syed Hamid: Don't sell out for quick gain

NST (16/5/08): Home Minister and Umno supreme council member Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar said MPs who switched sides would not help in the effort to create a healthy political climate where integrity was paramount.

"I don't think it is right to switch. If we are bought, it will be the worst political corruption. I hope no politician will think of selling himself for short-term profit."

Speaking on the same issue, Umno Youth deputy head Khairy Jamaludidn (BN-Rembau) said claims by BN members they were lured with money was serious.

"It has reached such an extent that it created questions among the people whether it will undermine democracy in Malaysia.

"I hope the people will think twice when they hear about claims BN reps will jump and question the motive (of the news)," he said.

Khairy also rebutted Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's claim that Pakatan Rakyat was not buying MPs but there were Barisan MPs who wanted to cross because they were disappointed with BN.

"Don't tell me within two months they all lose hope with the BN," he said.

Meanwhile, Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) vice-president Azmin Ali reiterated that the pact will form the government by Sept 16 but not through "buying over" BN backbenchers.

"They are not coming to us because of monetary gain.

"They will come to us because of our policies," he declared in the Parliament lobby.

Azmin called on Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan (BN-Kota Belud) to prove his claim that he was offered millions of ringgit to cross over.

"Tell us how much, the date and who was the person who made the offer."

Azmin also took a swipe at Information Minister Datuk Ahmad Shabery Cheek.

"How many times did he move? He moved from Pas, Semangat 45 and then to Umno," he said of Shabery's labelling of leaders.

In a press statement, DAP chairman Karpal Singh also took Shabery to task over the remarks, reminding the minister that he himself was once with Semangat 46.

Kota Belud MP said offered large sum to defect

The Edge Daily (14/5/08): Backbencher Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan (Kota Belud-BN) caused a stir in parliament yesterday when he alleged that he was offered a large sum of money to defect to the opposition camp.

“I’d like to ask the Speaker, is it not corruption for certain opposition leaders to offer goodies to members of parliament (MPs) to jump ship? I myself have received a call offering a large sum of money to jump ship. Is that not corruption?

“They also offered me a Cabinet position. Is that not corruption?” he said when debating the motion of thanks on the royal address in the Dewan Rakyat yesterday.

Abdul Rahman also claimed that bribery was pervasive during the contest against the late Tun Ghafar Baba for the position of Umno deputy president, where tons of money, projects and “pink forms” were used as “grease” to secure victory.

“We in Sabah still remember how delegates (to the Umno general assembly) can be bought and threatened. Thanks to the supreme leader of PKR (Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim) for introducing and turning money politics into a culture in Umno Sabah,” he said.

He also teased the Pakatan Rakyat on who would succeed Anwar if he became the next prime minister, claiming that his constituents were pressing him on the matter.

“Who will become the next prime minister after Anwar? The people want to know? Can Pakatan Rakyat continue to surprise and create history by appointing the first prime minister from among the Chinese and Indians — (for example) the honourable MPs from Ipoh Timur (Lim Kit Siang) or Bukit Gelugor (Karpal Singh) from the DAP. We will wait…” he said.

Abdul Rahman also questioned whether Pakatan would allow PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang to become prime minister.

“With his turban and robe ala Taliban, he is said to be unsuitable to hold the prime minister’s position as he can give the wrong image of Malaysia to foreign investors,” he said, adding that even non-Malays in Malaysia would be concerned if Hadi became either home or education minister.

He also asked whether PKR president and opposition Leader Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, whom he characterised as a puppet and warming the seat for Anwar, could become a prime minister.

Taking a swipe at Mohamed Azmin Ali (Gombak-PKR), Abdul Rahman said the PKR vice-president was so obsessed with his leader to the point of following Anwar’s style of clothing and speaking.

He ended his speech by saying Anwar was building an empire of nepotism and would appoint his daughter, Nurul Izzah (Lembah Pantai-PKR), to succeed him as prime minister.

Give prosecution powers to MCAC, says Khairy

The Edge Daily (13/5/08): Khairy Jamaluddin (Rembau-BN) has called for the Malaysian Commission for Anti-Corruption (MCAC) to be given prosecution powers as part of the country’s efforts to combat corruption.

“The implementation of the suggestion will allow the commission to focus on the prosecution of corruption cases and lift the burden off the Attorney-General’s Chambers, which is facing a backlog of cases,” he said in the Dewan Rakyat yesterday.

Debating the motion of thanks on the royal address, Khairy praised the government’s effort to fight corruption by restructuring the Anti-Corruption Agency into an independent MCAC and to provide protection to whistleblowers.

“I also hope the government will continue its effort to combat corruption through the use of modern technology,” he said, adding that this would allow for money spent on anti-corruption efforts to bring the best value.

He said the government could use information technology to lower the cost of procurement and channel the savings to development projects.

Citing the example of electronic procurement, Khairy said it could ensure that goods would be sold to the government at reasonable prices, adding that this system had lowered the costs to giant corporations by up to 25%.

In his speech, Khairy also welcomed Home Minister Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar’s proposal to review the annual licensing requirement for the print media, which would eliminate the bureaucratic restriction on print media’s freedom.

According to him, an open, responsible and credible mass media was a pillar of democratic system and there should be an integrated effort to increase the credibility of all forms of mass media.

He said new journalists, including journalists for weblogs and Internet news portals, should also enhance their skills by undergoing professional training like new journalists in the mainstream media. “This will expose them to the basics of journalism such as ethical journalism and laws regarding sedition and false news, to produce responsible journalists.”

Once the media industry could demonstrate a high degree of professionalism, including a greater sense of responsibility, the government could transfer its role of regulating the media to an independent body, Khairy said.

Khairy also highlighted that there were models for a commission of complaints on the media in several countries to prevent seditious news reports which could incite public anger.

“If this mechanism can be established and the regulation of the media can be done independently without affecting public peace and security, and if the industry is serious about building up their capability and skill for ethical, fair and responsible journalism, then the Printing Presses and Publications Act can be abolished,” he said.

Khairy also criticised the opposition for promising to lower oil prices by tapping Petronas’ coffers to win support during the general election.

He said the government received RM48.3 billion, representing 66.2% of Petronas’ gross profit, which went straight into the government’s budget for development purposes in 2007.

“Among others, the balance of the profit is used for exploration and production activities in foreign countries. Is it wrong for Petronas to look after our future to ensure we can at least share these foreign oil reserves when our reserves dry up?”

Khairy also called for Petronas to hold a special briefing and table its complete financial report in parliament to prove that the government and the national oil company had nothing to hide.

There was a commotion when he touched on the issue of food crisis and accused the Selangor state government of giving top priority to “Projek Khinzir Raksasa” (mammoth pig project) or PKR, which is also the acronym of the largest opposition party.

He was referring to the decision of the PKR-led Selangor state government to proceed with the centralised pig farming project in Kuala Langat.

Khairy also claimed that PAS had lost its “teeth” as it failed to take DAP to task on issues such as the social contract and the Malay monarchy.

Dismissing Pakatan Rakyat as just a public relations ploy among those with different ideologies, he said PAS did not even bring up the Islamic state once it became a “junior partner” in Pakatan Rakyat.

A shouting match with name-calling ensued as Khairy refused to ,allow other members of parliament to interject his allegations and questions posed to the opposition.

At one point, Mahfuz Omar (Pokok Sena-PAS) responded by saying that the pig farming project in Selangor was actually approved by the previous state government led by Umno.

Retaliating to Khairy’s twist on PKR’s acronym, he said it was “Projek Babi Negara” (national pig project), which is a play on Barisan Nasional’s (BN) acronym.

Ghapur accuses BN of practising double standards

The Sun (12/3/08): Amid strong rumours of Barisan Nasional (BN) parliamentarians crossing over to Pakatan Rayat (PR), Datuk Seri Panglima Abdul Ghapur Salleh (BN-Kalabakan) poured fuel into the fire while debating his motion of thanks on the royal address in the Dewan Rakyat (Parliament) today.

Accusing the ruling BN government of practising double standards, Abdul Ghapur issued a "serious warning" that BN would suffer greatly if this did not stop.

"Sabah mahu keadilan (Sabah wants justice)," he said, drawing a roar from his fellow parliamentarians.

After a moment, he corrected his phrase saying: "Sabah wants justice, not the party."

In a press conference later, Abdul Ghapur was asked if PKR adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim had approached him and if he was considering defecting, he denied it.

However, Abdul Ghapur kept emphasising that if not for the number of MPs from Sabah and Sarawak, PR would have managed to get the simple majority to form the new government.

"One-hundred-forty seats minus 54 from Sabah and Sarawak, there would not be enough to even form a simple majority (for BN)," he told reporters later.

He had also called for oil royalty to Sabah to be raised to 20% from its current annual rate of 5% amounting to RM500 million.

If approved, some RM2 billion, which "is not too much", can be channelled on an annual basis to help the state alleviate poverty rates and solve "a lot of problems in Sabah".

In his debate earlier, Abdul Ghapur said the BN did not listen or act on the complaints and issues of the people of Sabah and if the BN did not change its ways, "in the next election, it will not just be BN which will lose. Even I will lose".

In voicing the issues that inundated the state, Abdul Ghapur brought to light that the people in the rural areas drank water from the wells.

"If there is no rain, where will they find water? Even in the urban areas the waters coming out of

the pipes are the colour of teh susu (tea with milk).

"Electricity supply is often disrupted in cities of Kota Kinabalu and Sandakan. Is this the meaning

of independence?" he asked, also raising housing, inflation, security and housing problems.

Describing Sabahan voices as going into the right ear and coming out of the left, Abdul Ghapur

said East Malaysia were sidelined and it felt like the states were step-children.

"We are a country but we are made to be second-class citizens and maybe people will say that

Kalabakan speaks like the opposition.

"The fact is, we have been doing this even from before. It also looks like Sabah is being taken for

granted," he said, adding that "if there is opposition in the BN, accept it as it is constructive".

Abdul Ghapur said: "If a public referendum arises, Sabahans may prefer to opt to be part of the

Philippines if the long-standing issue of undocumented migrants was not dealt with."

PKR came a-courting, say Sabah MPs

The Star (13/5/08): Several Sabah MPs have been approached – directly or indirectly – to cross over, Batu Sapi MP Datuk Edmund Chong said.

Admitting that he had been approached by PKR, the second-term MP said democracy allowed the “freedom of affiliation”.

“It is a pressure cooker. We are listening to feedback from the ground and we are in the middle of the people and the Federal (Government).

“We are all adults and it is nothing wrong for other people to come and talk to you,” he said, adding that he knew of a few other Sabah MPs who had also been approached by the Opposition.

Asked if he was considering the offer, he said he had not seen PKR’s manifesto but said he was interested in knowing the Opposition's position regarding Sabah folk.

“I stood against an independent candidate and not PKR so I have not seen their manifesto. I am more concerned about what they can offer the people of Sabah,” he said.

Former deputy minister Datuk Anifah Aman declined to say if he had been approached.

“I am still very much an Umno man. I have not talked to anybody and I have my own mind,” said the Kimanis MP.

Backbencher’s Club deputy chairman and Kinabatangan MP Datuk Bung Moktar Radin said he was approached some time ago.

But he said he had not given it a second thought.

“What for? Barisan is still strong. Crossing over will erode the people's trust in the MP,” he said.

Sepanggar MP Datuk Eric E. Majimbun said many Barisan MPs from Sabah and Sarawak were frustrated that the coalition leaders did not trust their loyalty to Barisan Nasional.

“We used to be the back-up parties that supported Barisan but now we are the ones who helped them form the government with a simple majority.

“And now, they are trying to show their appreciation by investigating us just because there is talk about MPs crossing over. Is this the way to thank us?” he asked.

Datuk Dr Marcos Mojigoh (BN - Putatan) said there was no such thing as crossing over.

“Basically, we behave like the Opposition at times. The intention of the Government to help the people is sincere but the implementation is the problem.

“We are questioning the delivery system. It is also a reminder to Barisan not to be too arrogant. You have to be fair to all,” he said.

Play on PKR acronym draws sharp protests

NST (13/5/08): What's in an acronym? Quite a lot, judging from the reactions of some MPs in the Dewan Rakyat yesterday.

It started with a play on PKR, the acronym for Parti Keadilan Rakyat, by the BN backbencher for Rembau, Khairy Jamaluddin.

Khairy, who had been talking about food self-sufficiency, said statistics showed that apart from chicken and pork, all other food was imported to meet local demand.

"But this is not enough, and a state government has made it its priority to approve a monster pig breeding project or, Projek Khinzir Raksasa or, in short, PKR," he said.

This remark brought a sharp protest from the PKR member for Kulim Bandar Baru, Zulkifli Nordin, who demanded a retraction.

But Khairy refused and maintained that his use of the acronym was not aimed at anyone and that it was merely an abbreviation.

Mahfuz Omar (Pas-Pokok Sena) shouted that pig breeding programmes could be named project Babi Negara or BN.

After all, he said, the BN government too had provided assistance for the project, which was initiated by the previous Selangor BN administration.

This brought howls of derision from the backbenchers who felt that unlike Khairy, the opposition had deliberately coined an abbreviation which rhymed with Barisan Nasional.

Deputy speaker Datuk Ronald Kiandee had his hands full keeping order and the shouting abated when Khairy ended his speech.

Khairy's run-in with the opposition was the culmination of repeated attempts by the opposition to get him to allow them to seek clarifications.

He had steadfastly refused as he was running short on time.

"You make allegations against everyone, but you don't want to give way to us," chided Chow Kon Yeow (DAP-Tanjong), but Khairy refused to budge.

Earlier in the debate, Khairy called on the government to review its fuel subsidy programme which he said was not benefiting the target group.

He also called on the government to provide a special briefing in Parliament on Petronas and its financial position.

Khairy said the briefing was essential to show that the government was not hiding anything from the public.

Khairy's debate turns into a 'piggy' affair

The Sun (12/5/08): The maiden debate of Khairy Jamaluddin (BN-Rembau), the son-in-law of the prime minister, on the motion of thanks for the royal address in Parliament today, turned into a name-calling affair.

Khairy riled the Opposition MPs when he gave a new definition to the acronym PKR (Parti Keadilan Rakyat). He called it Projek Khinzir Raksasa (monstrous pig-farming project) -- an apparent reference to the Selangor government's approval of the pig-farming project in Sepang..

Not to be outdone, Mahfuz Omar (PAS-Pokok Sena) defined the project as Projek Babi Negara (national pig project) -- a reference to BN.

The name-calling started soon after MPs from Pakatan Rakyat (PR) – defined as the 'Public Relations' alliance by Khairy -- were not allowed to seek clarification despite being hurled various accusations by Khairy in his speech.

Khairy had declined to allow any MP to have the floor during his debate, giving the 30-minute time limit as his reason for doing so.

Matters heated up after Khairy accused the Opposition of fishing for votes in the general election when it promised to reduce fuel prices.

Karpal Singh (DAP-Bukit Gelugor) then called for Point-of-Order referring to Rule 36 of the Standing Orders and refused to divulge its provision until Khairy sat down.

"This is not a reading lesson," Karpal Singh explained, to which Khairy said there was no point to his Rule-of-Order and continued reading his speech, calling for a briefing to be organised so Petronas and the government can clarify about the monies and to clear any impression that there were funds that could be used to reduce the price of fuel.

At this point Nga Kor Ming (DAP-Taiping) was also refused to seek clarification as Khairy quipped: "What? You don’t understand? I’m not giving way, please sit down."

In his debate, he congratulated the government on its steps of reform to the administration, including the announcement of the Judicial Appointments Commission, the Malaysian Commission of Anti-Corruption, the government’s ability to maintain a low price of fuel as compared with other Asean countries.

"The Opposition alleged that BN leaders are arrogant and elite and ask us to look at ourselves. However, just two months after being called Yang Berhormat, who is arrogant in the house and brags that they will be in power of Putrajaya in a few months?

"Who is actually setting the democratic principles in the back seat by offering BN members a place in their party through the back door to shape the government?" Khairy questioned.

"They do not dare see their own reflection of a brittle coalition and that is why I say it is a Public Relations Alliance which looks nice in the eyes of the people, attractive and looks strong but actually, has nothing fundamental," he charged.

This then erupted into a loud war of words between the numerous PR and BN MPs who shouted insults at each other simultaneously, almost throughout the remaining of Khairy’s debate.

When Deputy Speaker Datuk Ronald Kiandee finally took charge of the situation several minutes later, he held that he was limiting the next parliamentarians to debate on their motion of thanks to 20 minutes only.

Opposition disturbs Khairy's debate

Bernama (12/5/08): Realising that the opposition members in parliament were trying to disrupt his debate on the royal address, Rembau MP Khairy Jamaluddin refused to make way.

This riled up some of the lawmakers and the atmosphere got even more heated up when the government backbencher touched on the oil price increase and linked it to the political agenda of the opposition which he said had played on the issue to win votes in the March 8 general election.

Khairy was debating on the motion of thanks for the speech by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong at the opening of parliament's 12th session recently.

He also said that the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) adviser (Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim) had lied to the people when he constantly boasted and reminded the people that when he was Finance Minister, there was no oil price hike.

"He forgot to inform that when he was Finance Minister, the world price for crude oil was only US$12 to US$26 a barrel. Now the price has exceeded US$120 a barrel. So what was so difficult during his time?"

Khairy said he refused to allow the other MPs to interrupt his speech because of the limited time given to speak.

This caused Karpal Singh (DAP-Bukit Gelugor) and some of the other lawmakers to refer to Section 31 (b) of the parliament Standing Order on the right of parliamentarians to give clarification, 36(4) on using disrespectful language and 36(10) on using words that could arouse anger and racial tension.

Zulkifli Noordin (PKR-Kulim-Bandar Baharu) stood up and said: "If (you are) scared, then don't be an MP. Might as well as just switch on the tape (recorder)."

Khairy had earlier referred to the PKR abbreviation as Projek Khinzir Raksasa (Mammoth Pig Project) which prompted some of the lawmakers, including N. Gobalakrishnan (PKR-Padang Serai) and Saifuddin Nasution Ismail (PKR-Machang), to stand up to seek clarification.

Mahfuz Omar (Pas-Pokok Sena) then suggested that Khairy read his speech to Kemas kindergarten children if he did not wish to be interrupted before saying that PBN stood for Projek Babi Nasional (National Pig Project), drawing laughter in the House.

Deputy Dewan Rakyat Speaker Datuk Ronald Kiandee appealed for calm and said that Khairy did not go against the Standing Order and could continue with the debate.

Is KJ the young and the restless ‘Prince of Darkness’?

NST (12/5/08): At the prime age of 32, Khairy Jamaludin has somewhat effortlessly elevated himself as perhaps the most maligned political operative-turned-elected representative in the Malaysian political orbit, more so in its riotous blogosphere, next to the dominating presence of a certain ex-Prime Minister and a certain ex-Deputy Prime Minister. Placing his name in the same stratosphere as Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim for this dispatch is also certain to attract a dense level of malignancy.

No matter. Khairy is always a good news item, even if the news adds a little more notoriety for him. He is finger-licking good copy for political commentaries, star character in the sensationalistic stories of Raja Petra Kamarudin’s ‘Khairy Chronicles’ for a mix of hair-raising parables and seeming truth, fodder for gossip at all levels of society, punching bag for the Pakatan Rakyat in their crowd-pleasing ceramahs and more recently, zesty prey for opposition MPs to grind razor-sharp axes for the chop in their Dewan Rakyat debates and rejoinders.

Endlessly battered and scapegoated, he’s still a bothersome presence for many of his critics and he is, amazingly, still in one piece, more energised than before. His ascendancy to MP for Rembau is not long and not arduous, though he weathered a national onslaught that befell the sturdiest of Barisan stalwarts in the March 8 polls. He also scored huge political merit points when Malaysiakini apologised to him for misreporting that there was a recount against him during counting for the Rembau parliamentary seat on polling night.

Khairy is a dream “babe magnet” for all forms of political discourse and the man seems to be absorbing the fire arrows with a singular, “come-and-get-me” youthful temerity. He is blamed – fairly or unfairly, rightfully or wrongfully – for all that is wrong with this country, from cronyism, interference in the conception and running of Government policies due to his filial proximity to the PM, blanket dominance of major mega Government contracts.

But if the pejoratives are believable, is Khairy the new “Prince of Darkness”, the boy who may soon be king? Not if the raucous crowd of political bloodhounds dogged in their collective efforts to bring him down, or at least, cut him down a notch or two, can help it. Yet, he is not without charm, persuasive powers and sophistication (not to mention a dapper in a stylish suit), a slick marketer capable of presenting a well-structured sales pitch and a self-advertiser of his own untrammelled talent for timing and opportunity. Within meteoric parameters, he rose to power as Umno Youth deputy chief and won a deputy presidency in the Football Association of Malaysia in October last year, all within four years.

The timing and opportunity to unleash his aspirations, vision and ambition arrived when he stood up to deliver his maiden Dewan Rakyat speech in support of the royal address. And what an explosive, not-safe-at-any-altitude speech it was – cogent, forceful and constructive on pressing social, economic and political issues of the day, when he was not rudely interjected by rival MPs. And yet, he was mockingly and derisively contemptuous of rival MPs, Karpal Singh (DAP-Bukit Gelugor) in particular, and scathing in his attacks against Anwar Ibrahim and Pakatan Rakyat. In a sense, Khairy was releasing months, if not years, of frustration of being unable to freely respond to all attacks for fear of political reprisals.

Khairy, while supporting the PM’s move to set up the Judiciary Appointments Commission which he believed would not erode the Prime Minister’s prerogative or the monarchy’s sanctity to give consent to new judges, called for commission representatives to be also filled by ex-judges and legal intellects of “knowledge, experience and integrity.” But his more urgent call was for the commission to have indictment powers, more so to release the burden of backlog piling up at the Attorney-General’s chambers.

He supported withdrawal of red tape conundrum to license the print media but his proposal that bloggers be given the same professional training as mainstream media journalists would likely raise heckles among the more boisterous bloggers while suggesting that if the media can agree to emulate a neutral Media Complaints Commission to check slander and defamation, and agree to self-imposed ethics, fairness and responsibility, the tough printing presses act can go the way of the dodo. By this time, he also deflected three interjections, refusing to give way to rival MPs to seek clarification.

Excitement and incitement brewed after Khairy articulated the need to reform national subsidies for a truer target and while he was elaborating on the oil/petrol price crises, he launch the first of his well-prepared attacks against Anwar Ibrahim, accusing the ex-Finance Minister of conveniently forgetting that during his eight-year Cabinet tenure of zero petrol price hike, oil was a lowly US$16-26 a barrel, unlike the current prices that have surpassed US$120 a barrel.

“What was so difficult about his era? Oil prices were extremely low,” Khairy thundered. “Don’t be self-congratulatory when you are actually fooling the people…the Government’s handling of the oil prices now to be the lowest among Asean nations is far more praiseworthy. This is not even opening the story of the PKR adviser’s absolute failure to check the 1997 financial crisis!”

You can sense the blood boiling at the PKR end of the House and still Khairy won’t budge from his refusal to allow a single clarification to his attacks. Emboldened by the momentum of his speech, Khairy kicked in the booster rockets. As he outlined efforts to contain the food crisis and offered some pointers on reducing the burden of production, he pointed out that chicken and pork were the only food production that were a 100 per cent self-sufficient, so much so that a certain State Government had made pig rearing a priority project that he handily coined as “Projek Khinzir Raksasa” (Mammoth Pig Project), alluding to the PKR acronym and the fact that the word ’khinzir’ to replace ‘babi’ was Anwar’s doing when he was DPM. Here’s the irony: for his entire rebuke against Anwar, Khairy reminded veterans in the august hall of a 1970s Anwar Ibrahim at the peak of his fire breathing grandiloquence, doused somewhat when he joined the Government in 1982.

The ruckus that followed was predictable but the intensity wasn’t. A dozen indignant PKR, DAP and Pas Mps sprang up like multiple jack-in-the-boxes, demanding clarification but only Zulkifli Noordin (PKR-Kulim Bandar Baru) was given the floor for his point of order, demanding that Khairy withdraw the acronym under Standing Orders 36 (4) as words that were improperly uttered.

Khairy steadfastly defended his ground while under the virulent attacks of rival backbenchers, refusing to give way when a slew of DAP, PKR and Pas MPs demanded clarification on his attacks. Sensing that Khairy was never giving way, other rival MPs used an alternative tact to deter Khairy by invoking various point of orders: that Khairy was reading (BN backbenchers shouted back that even the Opposition leader read while debating), MPs had the right to seek clarification (the Speaker stated that KJ had the right not to give way), uttering words that cause pain (it wasn’t clear what the Speaker ruled but the this triggered titters from Barisan backbenchers who shouted back that Lim Kit Siang (DAP-Ipoh Timur) uttered far more worse improper words).

Lim took the liberty of elaborating his point of order by an off-tangent demonstration – a newspaper report that Datuk Seri Dr Lim Keng Yaik had spoken improperly and misbehaved. You should have heard the pure cacophony of clashing human voices that erupted – Khairy and BN backbenchers shouting at Lim to stand down while the DAP adviser continued droning while opposition backbenchers launched collective shouts and screams, including a high-pitch vent by Fong Po Kuan (DAP-Batu Gajah) that summarised the verbal orgy.

While the verbal free-for-all hurtled towards a free fall, Khairy literally played to the gallery: he turned to the public gallery directly behind him filled with secondary school students of the Malacca High School, smirking at the confusion and mockingly pointed with his hand to the rival MPs side as if he was saying: “See…this is the kind of MPs you have for the Opposition.”

In between the vocal vents, verbal wrestling and trash talk, out came this epithet from N. Gobalakrishnan (PKR-Padang Serai): “Babi negara!” and in unison, Khairy and a dozen BN backbenchers jumped, shouting: “Who is babi negara? Say it! Say it!”

When the Speaker managed to douse the fire breathers who threatened to inflamed proceedings, Khairy found a little bit of peace to continue with his speech, slamming Lim Kit Siang’s personal attacks he endured last week (“richest unemployed man in the world”), lambasting Pas’ fear of DAP, fear of raising the Islamic state struggle and fear of chiding Karpal when the latter questioned the powers of the Sultan of Perak in the state’s state religious director’s transfer fiasco, inferring that the Pakatan Rakyat acronym of PR actually stood for “public relations” where policy-making by opposition parties were PR stunts.

But KJ hit sonic boom when he lashed out the following: “Although you sleep in one bed, one mattress, one pillow but you dream differently! There are some who dream of flying carpets, some who dream of flying rockets and some who dream of flying pigs!” Eight indignant opposition MPs stood up like marionettes strung up by a puppeteer but Khairy insisted that no one gets a chance to seek clarification. “Get your clarification on your own time. My time is precious,” he barked back.

With time running out and sensing that the agitated rival MPs will not allow him a landmine-free passage to conclude his seven-page speech, Khairy abruptly ended his speech one page less by debunking Pakatan Rakyat’s boast that they were better administrators than the previous Barisan State Governments, especially belittling the Selangor Government’s exclusive allocation of RM500,000 only to PR assemblymen after demanding that the Federal Government spread allocation justly to all elected reps.

“Is that fair? You don’t walk the talk,” Khairy contended. “This is just two months of ruling and you have cleverly lied and manipulated. If the Kuala Krai MP claim that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely, the Pakatan Rakyat’s action proves that even a little power corrupts very quickly….”

Pig-farming takes centrestage at Dewan

The Star (12/5/08): Pig-farming projects took centrestage in the Dewan Rakyat as MPs from both sides of the House got into a mud-slinging fight on Monday.

"A state government had put its priority in approving the Projek Khinzir Raksasa (Gigantic Pig Project) or its short form PKR," said Khairy Jamaluddin (BN-Rembau) when highlighting the issue of self-sufficient commodities - rice, beef, vegetables and mutton.

This riled the Opposition, especially members of PKR, who stood up and defended their party.

But none of them was given a chance to interject as Khairy had been refusing to allow anyone to seek explanation since the beginning of his speech.

Mahfuz Omar (PAS - Pokok Sena) then took a pot shot back at Barisan Nasional by saying that PBN was meant for Projek Babi Negara (National Pig Farming Project).

Khairy demanded to know who was the person who shouted and asked for a retraction.

However, he did not manage to find out the “culprit".

Despite the long and heated argument, Khairy managed to finish reading his five-and-a-half page speech.

So far 25 MPs had taken part in the motion of thanks, which left 128 more MPs to give their speech.

The debate session will resume at 2.30pm.

Membership drive grips political parties

Umno will continue pursuing its target of 3,000 new members registered
in every state by year-end.

Malaysian political parties would prefer to be broad-based, but remain troubled by the risk of infiltration by opportunists, writes Zubaidah Abu Bakar.

NST (9/5/08): Size does not matter. This was proved by some political parties which, despite having relatively few card-carrying members, had their representation in Parliament markedly increased in the March general election.

Parti Keadilan Rakyat now has 31 seats, an increase of 30, although membership was holding up to a constant 300,000 up to the polls. The DAP, with a registered membership of fewer than 100,000, has 28 representatives, an increase of 16 from the previous term.

But in the context of Malaysian politics, political parties on both sides of the divide generally prefer the numbers. Large membership equals strength, they say.

So they are not rejecting new membership applications, which are coming in steadily for some parties despite huge setbacks in the polls. Many parties are on membership drives.
Gerakan, for instance, has set up 100 new branches and registered at least 5,000 new members in the past two months, according to party secretary-general Datuk Seri Chia Kwang Chye.

PKR is also experiencing an influx of new members, a trend its secretary-general Datuk Salehuddin Hashim describes as "encouraging". The party expects its membership to triple by year-end.

"People who want to engage in our struggle are politically experienced and they share the agenda for change. We will definitely take them," he says, adding that membership in Ampang alone has risen by more than 2,000 since March.

For Parti Islam SeMalaysia (Pas), a wide network is important. Secretary-general Datuk Kamaruddin Jaafar says the party wants to boost its membership, now around 900,000. "The numbers reflect our strength," he says.

"We need committed members to mobilise our election machinery."

Pas is also experiencing a surge in membership applications after the March 8 polls, and a sizeable number of new branches are being set up. The party is still updating its database, and expects the new members to expand the party's rosters to more than a million.

Umno is also continuing to woo new members despite its dismal performance, which was partly attributed to its own members voting for opponents.

The country's largest political party, which boasts of having 3.2 million registered members, was snubbed when only 2.4 million voters voted for its candidates, reducing its MP strength by 30 to 79.

Umno will continue pursuing its target of 3,000 new members registered in every state by year-end.

Its Anakku Ahli Umno ("My children are Umno members") campaign, launched in 2005, is still very much alive.

"We are grassroots-based and want to get more people to support us through becoming registered members and helping fight for the party's cause," says Tan Sri Muhammad Muhammad Taib, Umno's information chief.

Like Pas, Umno needs election campaign workers to woo voters on the ground come every election. Its time-tested "Kumpulan 10" campaign strategy, where each member or group is to take charge of 10 families during an election campaign, will not work if the party does not have members to touch base.

The Chinese-based MCA, with 1.1 million members, is trying to reach out to young people. It amended its constitution last year to enable youths, aged between 18 and 35, to set up their own branches and run activities independently, as part of efforts to "reinvent" the party.

Only 16.07 per cent of MCA's membership comprises those below 35. It aims to raise this to 20 per cent in the next two years, party secretary-general Datuk Seri Ong Ka Chuan said early this year.

While the DAP is not limiting its membership, it is treading with caution in admitting new members, whose applications are vetted at the branch level.

"We are not limiting membership but we want only members who are loyal to our cause," says party chairman Karpal Singh.

"We have to be careful who we take as we do not want opportunists in the party."

DAP is known to prefer quality to quantity. The party had never relied on membership for support and won support from non-members because of its deeds and the performance of its MPs.

DAP leaders believe their party is self-sustaining, given that 50 per cent of members of its central executive committee comprise graduates; one-fifth of them lawyers.

The last general election result speaks for itself - the DAP does not have to have a big, broadbased membership to win support at the ballot box.

Professor James Chin's observation that "people always want to be associated with those in power" may explain the sudden surge in membership among political parties that performed well in the last general election.

The head of Monash University's School of Arts says this human peculiarity explains why more people are becoming interested in joining PKR, DAP and Pas of late.

"These three parties are now in control of five states, so it is natural for people to want to be part of them," he said, adding: "It is also a well-accepted view that the fastest way to gain power and wealth is to join a political party.

"There are also those who become a member in the hope that one day they will get a chance to move up the party hierarchy and hold important posts in the government."

Chin also points out that it is a trend in many political parties to see an increase in membership during internal-election years - especially parties whose delegations to annual assemblies are based on membership strength at the division level.

This might explain the sudden interest of "apolitical" individuals in Penang to join Gerakan despite the party having lost power in the state it ruled for 39 years.

Gerakan is holding its party elections in October. The MCA, Umno and DAP will also hold party elections this year.

While too many members can be a liability to a political party, given the difficulty of pleasing everyone, Muhammad says Umno has its own ways to tackle the issue.

"There are pros and cons of having a large membership, but being a big party is what Umno wants," he says, though admitting it is difficult to screen supporters for sincerity.

Kamaruddin strongly believes that Pas members will not resort to actions that would undermine the party, as those who join Pas are committed to the party's struggle.

Karpal admits that it is easier to control members of a small organisation, but says limiting party membership is not a rule.

Big or small is a matter of choice. Fact: Political parties get the people's support if their cause is in tandem with the needs and aspirations of voters at the time the general election is held.